67 Albany Plan of Union (1754)

Thus having seen abstracts of the authorities given the commissioners who were at Albany and of those letters from the Crown which occasioned such authorities to be given, together with the state of the British and French colonies in America and the proposed Plan of Union formed in consequence of the whole. From an impartial view thereof, let every man judge whether it was not the intent of all the colonies who sent commissioners, that they should form some general scheme or plan for the safety and defense of the English Colonies and the Indians in their alliance? Look into the commission from Governor Greene and after full powers are given to do everything relative to the Indians in alliance with us, what mean these following words?  ‘‘And also, what else may be necessary to prohibit the French and their allies the Indians, from encroaching on the lands within the dominions of His Majesty. And in general, as far as the abilities of this government will permit, to act in conjunction with the said commissioners in everything necessary for the good of His Majesty’s subjects in these parts. And to answer as far as we can the designs of His Majesty’s instructions to this colony, communicated to us by the Earl of Holdernesse.” Surely such words as these have some meaning. And if the commissioners were so unhappy as quite to mistake their meaning, let those penetrating wits who think so, show to the world how they are to be understood. But if those authorities were too extensive, let them be blamed who gave such authorities and not those who executed them in the most sparing manner possible. And will any man believe such exact likeness in substance should be in the authorities given by every government to their commissioners without having any conference together about it, if the directions from the Crown had not pointed it out to them in so plain a manner that they all understood them alike? And is it not as plain from the letters since received from the Secretaries of State that they all understood them in the sense the King intended them?

Although all this were allowed, yet some may say, if you had powers given you to enter into some such general scheme, you ought not to have consented to one so hurtful and destructive of our liberties as this is! Whether the plan formed at Albany be a good one or a bad one, I shall not undertake to determine. Yet let it be considered that the Rhode Island Commissioners were but two of the whole number and therefore were far from being able to govern or form things as they might think best. Neither did they ever pretend they could not be mistaken, and errors of judgment will always be forgiven by men of candor.

And now let us examine what the commissioners did relating to this plan and we shall find they did no more than form it and agree to lay it before the General Assemblies of the colonies from whence they came, for their consideration. They did not, as is falsely asserted, order it to be sent home. They did not establish it as an Act or Ordinance of the Board of Commissioners, as they all might have done by the authorities given them. They did not leave it in the power of anyone to obtain a copy of it and send it home, but strictly forbid their Secretary to give any copy except to the colonies. Nor did they ever agree to anything more than to carry it to their respective governments and lay it before their constituents. And agreeable to the resolve of the Board of Commissioners, those from Rhode Island did lay this plan with all other their proceedings at Albany before the General Assembly at their session in August last, for their consideration. Was this criminal! Was this betraying their trust! Or was there anything more in this, than their duty! Even envy and ignorance joined together cannot say there was! And those who have been bold enough to assert that anything more relating to this Plan of Union was done, suffered to be done, or connived at by the commissioners are hereby publicly called upon to prove their assertions or confess their falsehood.

Once more, let us hold up this so much talked-of Plan of Union and view it in another light. And here, to do my adversaries all the justice they can possibly desire, I will for argument sake confess it to be as bad as they represent it to be. Viewing it in this light it must be found contrary to and subversive of our happy Constitution and all those valuable privileges we enjoy under it. This destructive plan was laid before the General Assembly for their consideration in the month of August last. This gave an opportunity to those patriots belonging to the Council who now say so much against this plan, to have exerted themselves in defense of our liberties so much in danger, and prevented the dismal effects so much feared. Well! What have these champions for liberty done in this matter? Have they not let it lie before the Assembly between six and seven months without taking it once under consideration? Or have they ever rejected it? Or so much as once in all this time moved to have one word wrote home to prevent its taking place? Was it bad as they say ’tis, then certainly ’twas their duty to have done all in their power to prevent its taking effect. All men must confess, the plan was either good or bad. If ’twas good, why do they blame it? If ’twas bad, why have they done nothing about it?

What could the commissioners for Rhode Island have done more? Or what could they have done less than they did, relative to this plan? It was not in their power to procure a better. And whether it was good or bad, it was equally their duty to lay it before the Assembly who sent them. They did so and did no more, and every member of both Houses of Assembly can bear witness, I have never used the least endeavor to induce them to accede to it. If it is bad as some are pleased to represent it, must not every man say, they who have suffered it to lie thus long are the very men who have betrayed their trust and the interest of the colony?

Real want of merit occasions these men’s endeavor to rise upon the ruin of their neighbor’s reputation. But can the faults of my neighbor make me fit for an office? And can the valuable privileges of this colony be safe in those hands where everything else seems to be neglected, but what will serve their private purposes? As I am a candidate for an office, I sincerely desire all men may put their country’s interest in the first place and give their votes only where they think ’tis most safe. And assure themselves, such a conduct will perfectly please the colony’s and their friend, Stephen Hopkins.

Source: Stephen Hopkins, A True Representation of the Plan formed at Albany, in 1754, for Uniting all the British Northern Colonies in Rhode Island Historical Tracts No. 9 (Providence, 1880), 40-46. https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.45494/page/n381/mode/2up