Section 1: Brief History

Section 2: Ethnic, Religious, and Cultural Identity

Section 3: Civil Society and Participation

Section 4: Formal Political Institutions

Section 5: Political Economy

Section 6: Foreign Relations

 

Section 1: Brief History

1.1: Indigenous Groups and Spanish Colonialism

Cuba’s early history was defined by three main indigenous groups, the Taino, the Siboney, and the Guanahatabey (Suchlicki 4). While their populations largely dwindled following Spanish colonization, their linguistic, culinary, and other cultural contributions remain today.

Christopher Columbus landed in what became known as Cuba on October 27, 1492 and declared it “the most beautiful land that human eyes have ever seen.” Over the next centuries, Cuba became a focal point of the Spanish Empire’s possessions in the Americas. Given its geographic location between the Atlantic Ocean, the Gulf of Mexico, and the Americas, Cuba became a strategic base for Spanish ships traveling to and from Spain from the Americas. In 1562, Spain’s King Phillip II declared: “whoever owns the island of Cuba has the key to the New World.”

The early 1500s saw the introduction of sugar into Cuba. The crop required extensive labor for its cultivation, and in 1522 the first enslaved Africans were brought to harvest the sugar “zafra,” or crop.

As the centuries progressed, Spain faced several challenges for control of Cuba. The island became increasingly coveted by other European powers. In 1762, the English captured Havana and remained there until the following year, when Britain traded Cuba back to Spain for Florida.

As the 18^th century came to an end, some scholars began to look at Cuba as a place of its own that was different from Spain. Between 1792-1793, the Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País was founded to study Cuban affairs (Masó 104). By the end of the following century, Spain would lose its Cuban gem.

1.2: Struggle for Independence

The road to independence was highly dependent of political events in Spain and began with a series of conspiracies against Spanish rule (1810, 1811, 1823, 1844). As these conspiracies were harshly and swiftly suppressed by Spanish authorities, many of those who began to identify with a Cuban identity separate of Spain went into exile. Father Félix Varela, a Roman Catholic born in Havana in 1788, went into exile in New York City and St. Augustine. Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda published her antislavery novel, Sab, in Madrid in 1841.

On October 10, 1868, Cuban landowner Carlos Manuel de Céspedes freed his slaves and called on Cubans to take up arms, beginning the Ten Years’ War (1868-1878) (Estenger 178-179). In 1869, Cuba’s first constitution, the Guáimaro Constitution, was drafted and ratified by Cuban rebels and entered into force. During this decade, Cuban exiles moved to cities like New York, Key West, and Tampa, setting up a robust cigar industry in the latter two cities. The War ended with the signing of the Pact of Zanjón between Spain and the Cuban rebels (Márquez Sterling 241). While the War was over, some veterans of the Ten Years’ War refused to subscribe to the Pact of Zanjón and continued to fight from 1878 to 1879 in what became known as The Little War.

Cuba’s War of Independence began on February 24, 1895 (Portell Vilá 29). While its key leaders José Martí and Antonio Maceo were killed early in the conflict, Cuban rebel forces continued to fight and set the basis for a future independent republic by drafting various constitutions.

The explosion of the U.S.S. Maine in Havana Harbor on February 15, 1898 signaled American intervention in Cuba. The Spanish-American War begins on April 21^st and ended on December 10^th with the signing of the Treaty of Paris between the U.S. and Spain. Spain transferred sovereignty of Cuba to the U.S., effectively ending the Spanish Empire. During a short U.S. intervention, Cuba drafted a new Constitution in 1901 and held elections in preparation for the establishment of an independent Cuban republic.

1.3: The Republic of Cuba

The new Cuban republic inaugurated on May 20, 1902 underwent regular elections often marred by political violence and electoral irregularities. Cuba’s first political leaders were veterans of Cuba’s Wars of Independence. In 1930, professors and students led a rebellion against President Gerardo Machado and his attempts to extend his term in office. Once the students replaced Machado, they were joined by lower-ranking military officers, led by Sergeant Fulgencio Batista (Aguilar 102). The civilian-military struggle would see Batista’s influence grow during the 1930s. In 1940, a new Constitution took effect, and the country benefitted from democratic leadership for the next twelve years. However, Batista’s 1952 overthrow of President Carlos Prío Socarrás 1952 led to the opposition of different armed groups that waged war against the government throughout the 1950s. In 1959, Batista left office and Fidel Castro, leader of a guerilla movement, took over, establishing a communist-inspired military dictatorship that remains in power.

Section 2: Ethnic, Religious, and Cultural Identity

2.1: Ethnicity

Unlike most other Latin American countries, Spain’s conquerors did not establish interethnic relationships with Cuba’s native inhabitants. While this type of mestizaje was exceedingly rare, it was much more common for interethnic relationships to emerge between Spaniards and African slaves. This produced a racial hierarchy based not only on race, but also on a person’s physical features and skin tone. Racial differences helped establish a racial hierarchy that placed Spanish whites at the top, with lighter skinned Afro-Cubans closer to the top than darker skinned ones.

In the late-19^th century, writers like José Martí promoted the idea of a raceless Cuba nation. Yet views on race have continued to prove challenging for Cuba’s elites.

2.2: Language

Cuba’s official language is Spanish. Yet native and African languages have significantly influenced Cuba’s vernacular parlance. Cuba itself, derived from the native Cubanacan, joined huracán, bohio, caiman, tiburon, guataca, batey, ajiaco, and town names like Habana, Guanajay, and Baracoa.

Additionally, Spanish in Cuba developed to incorporate words of African heritage. Titingo, fufú, and cañengo, are used frequently, as musical terms like conga, guaguancó, and timba became an integral part of an authentic Cuban vernacular form of Spanish.

2.3: Religion

The Catholic Church shaped part of Cuba’s religious identity. In the early 1600s, the image of the Virgin of Charity appeared before fishermen at sea, marking the beginning of an unbreakable link between religion and Cuban nationalism. In the 19^th century, Father Felix Varela’s writings greatly contributed to conceptualizing Cuban nationalism while tying it to a Catholic foundation.

The presence of African slaves and their own polytheistic religious practices gave rise to the syncretism of different religious traditions with Catholicism. These practices are collectively referred to as Santería.

Protestantism made its way to Cuba in the 19^th century, when missionaries from different denominations in the U.S. sought to establish missions on the island. According to Guillermo Cabrera Leiva, “Cuba…became a focus of American religious forces during the last two decades of the nineteenth century. (Cabrera Leiva 46)”

After Cuban independence, “Sephardic Jews from Curaçao, Türkiye, Syria, and other Levantine countries came to Havana, attracted by Cuba’s opportunities and common language” (Ezratty 96). The number of Jews in Cuba increased during the 1920s and 1930s, when “a wave of Ashkenazic Jews, escaping European anti-semitism and persecution, enlarged the community, bringing with them religious as well as linguistic and other cultural characteristics” (Ibid.). By 1959, Cuba’s Jewish community numbered between 12,000 and 15,000 people (Ibid.).

The first Chinese migrants arrived on June 3, 1847 as “manual laborers hired for eight years to replace black slaves” following the end of the Slave Trade” (Seuc VII). In the 20^th century, Cubans of Chinese descent were an integral part of Cuban society.

Traditionally, Cuba has also had a significant Middle Eastern population. Many Middle Eastern migrants arrived in Cuba in the late 19^th century, with another significant wave arriving after World War I. These early migrants were referred to as Turks, given that they came from territories formerly under Ottoman control. According to Christian Jimenez, “The result of this modern migration of Arabs resulted in a population numbering around 50,000 people who created many organizations, businesses, and places of worship in Cuba” (Jimenez para. 8).

2.4: Conflict

Racial conflicts have existed in Cuba since the early colonial period, especially among Cubans of Spanish and African descent. While racial discrimination was not institutionalized in Cuba, and Afro-Cuban independence heroes like Antonio Maceo are celebrated for their bravery and patriotism, it was (and arguably remains) a common occurrence. This racial tension exploded following the creation of the Independent Party of Color (PIC), a political party created by and for Afro-Cubans. The Cuban Congress’ subsequent banning of political parties based on race and the PIC’s resulting rebellion left between 3,000 and 6,000 Afro-Cubans dead in what became known as the Race War of 1912.

Cuba’s dictatorship has historically challenged religious practices. Roman Catholics, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and members of other religious denominations were persecuted. Between 1965 and 1968, ministers, seminarians, and laypeople were among those sent to the Military Units to Aid Production (UMAPs) (Ramos 76). Christmas was officially banned from 1969 to 1998. While Pope John Paul II’s visit to Cuba was seen as a new era in relations between church and state, religious discrimination persists. Hundreds of priests, nuns, pastors, rabbis, and laypeople alike have been exiled (D.R.E. 27). This persecution is compounded by the Cuban Communist Party’s regulation of religious practices through its Office of Religious Affairs and the Ministry of Justice (U.S. Department of State para. 1).

Section 3: Civil Society and Participation

3.1: Political Culture

Despite differences in political systems, Cuba’s political culture has been defined by several key characteristics. Ambassador Mauricio Solaún (1998) presented the essence of Cuban political culture through a set of three matrices. It is important to note that, while Solaún studied Cuba’s political culture as three different matrices, they are all interconnected and cannot be studied separately from each other.

The first of Solaún’s matrices is “the personalismo/machismo/ familismoamiguismo/clientelismo syndrome or matrix” (Solaún 346). Here, Solaún directly linked the role of the individual and his familial and other personal connections in granting him (usually a male given the machista component) political power and opportunities. Defining the core element of this matrix, the “personal,” Solaún explained: “Personal” means one’s own; private interest or domain. Also, it refers (especially in a hostile way) to an individual’s private character, as in the phrase “no need to be personal” (Ibid. 347).

Solaún’s “second syndrome or matrix, grounded in folk religiosity, can be called the miraculous/manicheanism/salvationism/messianism” (Ibid. 346).

The third of Solaún’s matrices centers around the concept of choteo, explaining that “the carnivalistic-choteo cultural subethos was relatively very prominent in Cuba” (Ibid. 345-346). Cuban writer Jorge Mañach Robato (1969) defined choteo as “Not taking anything seriously (Mañach 17),” “Poking fun at everything” (Ibid.),” “A habit of disrespect (Ibid. 19),” and “A repugnance to all authority (Ibid.).” “The subject of choteo is, on the other hand,” Mañach concluded, “that which has a precarious or false reputation: that which is discredited (Ibid. 35).” In Cuba, Mañach considerd the development of systematic choteo as centered around envy and resentment (Ibid. 76).

3.2: Civil Society

Prior to 1959, Cuba had a flourishing civil society that included independent political parties, religious communities, trade and professional organizations, labor unions, and other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) controls the country’s political, economic, and social spheres, making an independent civil society virtually inexistent. According to scholars Lennier López and Armando Chaguaceda, “Since 1997 the Ministry of Justice has blocked the establishment of new civil society organisations (CSOs) with very few exceptions while regulating those that already exist” (López and Chaguaceda para. 1).”

Since the 1960s, mass organizations were created under the ideological and political tutelage of the PCC. Founded in 1948, the Federation of Cuban Women was reorganized in 1960 as the leading forum for women in communist Cuba. Similarly, the Union of Communist Youth (UJC) was founded in 1962 to unite Cuba’s youth under the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. Cuba’s communist regime also established the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) in 1960. This institutional network of neighborhood committees was established to report on activities considered “counterrevolutionary” while tamping down on dissent. The country’s trade unions, the Cuba Workers Federation (CTC) and the Association of Small Farmers (ANAP) also serve to organize workers under a communist structure.

The press is state run, with all media outlets under government and Communist Party Control. Granma is the official newspaper of the PCC and was established in 1965. Smaller newspapers cater to specific sectors of society. For example, Juventud Rebelde was also established in 1965 as the official newspaper of the UJC, or Union of Communist Youth, while Trabajadores, founded in 1970, is the official newspaper of the CTC.

While the PCC controls the country’s “official” and legal civil society institutions, independent civil society organizations have developed in an attempt to provide Cuban citizens with a democratic alternative to the PCC’s monopoly on power.

3.3: The Roman Catholic Church

The Catholic Church has been an influential and constant actor in Cuba’s civil society since the colonial period. While religion was officially outlawed between 1969 and 1998, the role of the Catholic Church never disappeared. Parish churches, missions, and international faith-based organizations like Caritas Internationalis and Catholic Charities provide much-needed social services like meals, and elderly and child care. In essence, “across the island, bishops, priests, nuns, and lay workers operate Cuba’s de-facto social safety net” (Berry para. 5).  At the national level, the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Cuba, led by the country’s Catholic hierarchy, plays an important role as a mediator between the Cuban government and Cuban citizens.

Protestant denominations also exist in Cuba and carry out activities like those of the Catholic Church. In recent decades, evangelical churches have been established in Cuba. As many of these do not conform with the regime’s regulations, several have been bulldozed, while their pastors and congregations have been harassed, detained, and exiled.

Cuba’s religious authorities work closely with religious leaders and laypeople living in exile. Religious orders like the Catholic Sisters of Charity and faith-based aid organizations like the protestant-led Outreach Aid to the Americas (OAA) receive monetary and in-kind donations, which are then sent to Cuba and distributed directly to those in need without government interference.

3.4: Journalism

As freedom of expression and freedom of the press are nonexistent in Cuba, journalists who do not report the PCC’s official line are often threatened, harassed, jailed, and exiled. The late-1999s and early-2000s saw the development of independent journalism. Independent journalists would report on international, national, and local events and provided a different news perspective. Benefiting from the development of online news outlets, Cuban independent journalists generally publish their stories abroad on news sites like Cubanet, based out of Miami, Florida, and Diario de Cuba, based out of Spain. In 2014, Cuban dissident Yoani Sánchez founded 14yMedio, an online newspaper edited and produced in Cuba. Other independent journalists produce local newspapers and newsletters in different provinces under the umbrella of the Cuban Institute of Freedom of Expression and the Press (ICLEP).

3.5: Struggling Civil Society

Each year, global index scores indicate the severe weakness of Cuba’s civil society. Freedom House classifies Cuba as “not free” and gives it a Global Freedom score of 12/100 and an Internet Freedom score of 20/100 (Freedom House para. 1). According to Transparency International, Cuba had a score of 42 in 2023, with a change of -3 since the previous year, “meaning it ranks 76 out of 180 countries (Transparency International 2023).” Civicus Monitor identifies Cuba’s civil society as “Closed,” giving it a ranking of 14 out of 100 (Civicus para. 1).

3.6: Underrepresented identities

Several groups have been underrepresented in Cuban civil society throughout the country’s history.

3.6.1: Women

Women’s systematic and ongoing exclusion from top employment and governmental positions highlights the difficulties that exist in breaking Cuba’s glass ceiling. In Cuban society, the heads of the neighborhood Committees for the Defense of the Revolution were typically women, reinforcing gender stereotypes of women as snitches and nosy neighbors. More prominent women in Cuban politics, like Vilma Espin or her daughter, Mariela Castro, cannot help escaping their family ties to Cuba’s ruling clan. Politically, only women who demonstrate party loyalty can hold top offices, which are limited to some ministerial posts, provincial governorships, and membership in the Council of State and the National Assembly.

In recent years, there has been a wave of gender-based violence in Cuba. As of November 2024, 46 women had been killed in the country because of gender-based violence. This number is the sixth highest in Latin America and the Caribbean (Cubanet para. 11).

Interestingly, women have played a central and critical role in antigovernment protests and organizations. In 2003, the Damas de Blanco, or Ladies in White, organized to protest the arrests of their male relatives. Each Sunday, they would attend mass and proceed to march peacefully in Havana while holding flowers. Their activities met with severe police repression. One of their leaders, Bertha Soler, has been detained several times, while another, Laura Pollán, died unexpectedly under mysterious circumstances. In 2005, the European Parliament awarded the Ladies in White the prestigious Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. Following the nationwide protests on July 11, 2021, Sayli Navarro was arrested and imprisoned for her activism. Other women, like economist Marta Beatriz Roque, have been released from prison, only to be “regulated,” or prevented from leaving the country (Reuters para. 13).

Women artists have also been at the forefront of recent pro-democracy demonstrations. Artists and writers such as Tania Bruguera, Carolina Barrero, Katherine Bisquet, Marialina García Ramos, Omara I. Ruiz Urquiola, and Lia Villares have produced artwork that is deemed “counterrevolutionary” by the Cuban regime and, as such, were subject to persecution and eventually exiled. Other women artists, like poet María Cristina Garrido Hernández, and visual artist Jessica Lisbeth Torres Calvo, were imprisoned.

3.6.2: Afro Cubans

Afro Cuban leaders have also played a central role in promoting human rights and an independent civil society in Cuba. Aside from Berta Soler, who joined the Ladies in White following her husband Angel Moya’s arrest, many Afro Cuban men and women have been at the forefront of Cuba’s opposition movement. Dr. Oscar Elias Biscet has been a leading human rights activist and received the Presidential Medal of Freedom and a Nobel Peace Prize nomination for his efforts. Among the leading Afro-Cuban activists since 1959, several stand out, including Guillermo Fariñas, Luis García Pérez (Antúnez), Ernesto Díaz Rodríguez, Ignacio Cuesta Valle, Ángel Pardo Mazorra, and Orlando Zapata Tamayo. All were jailed for their activism and served long prison sentences. Zapata Tamayo died in prison during a hunger strike in 2010.

Young Afro Cuban artists and musicians have also been at the forefront of Cuba’s most recent protests. In 2021, Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara, Maykel Castillo Perez (a.k.a. Maykel Osorbo), Denis Solis, Eliecer Márquez Duany (a.k.a. El Funky) performed the song “Patria y Vida” (“Fatherland and Life”), which represents a positive response to Fidel Castro’s slogan of “Patria o Muerte” (“Fatherland or Death”). Otero Alcantara, Castillo Perez, and Solis were arrested and are currently serving prison sentences for their activism, while Márquez Duany went into exile.

3.6.3: LGBTQ+

Traditionally, members of the LGBTQ+ community have been ostracized and persecuted in Cuba. Machismo has contributed to the development of a stereotypical Cuban male image, with anything countering it or deviating from it being characterized as “weak,” “effeminate,” or “gay.”

Homosexuals were among the main groups of people sent to the Military Units to Aid Production (UMAPs) between 1965 and 1968. The Cuban regime did not see the LGBTQ+ population as living up to the spirit of the “New Man” that Fidel Castro sought to create following the Revolution. As a result, individuals from this and other communities were sent to these work camps in an attempt to “reform” them.

In 2022, Cuba approved a new Family Code, which legalized same-sex unions (Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular 2932). The debate over this issue in the leadup to its passage demonstrated tensions in Cuban society over the issue of LGBTQ+ rights.

3.6.4: Youth

One of Cuba’s ongoing challenges is its aging population. With a median age of 39.5 years, Cuba has one of the oldest populations in the Americas. According to Sergio Díaz-Briquets and Elaine Acosta González (2023), “The political and economic developments of the 1960s precipitated several demographic developments with immediate and long-term consequences. The first was the 1960s short-lasting baby boom, when the total fertility rate (TFR), defined as the number of children the average woman will have during her reproductive lifetime, rose by one child per woman (from 3.8 in 1955–60 to 4.7 in 1960–65). This period coincided with the initial postrevolutionary emigration outflows, which would become prominent once again in recent decades. The third would be the post-baby-boom rapid and sustained—although fluctuating—fertility decline, leading to the establishment of a long-term below-replacement fertility regime. Cuba’s current TFR stands at 1.4 children per woman, the ultra-low fertility level, and the annual number of births has declined from 125,000 in 2015 to a 2022 historical low of 95,000 births (Díaz-Briquets and Acosta González 3).” The often-stated goal of many young people in Cuba today is to leave the country.

3.6.5: Cuban Civil Society in Exile

When Cubans began leaving the Island in 1959, they brought with them the leadership skills and institutional knowhow to establish a thriving civil society in the Cuban community in the United States and elsewhere. Since then, these civic organizations have been responsible for maintaining Cuban culture and traditions alive while aiding Cubans on the Island and to Cuban immigrants around the world. “The sheer number of civic organizations to be found in the community…suggests that the community’s civic organizations have something to do with the considerable vibrancy and civic capacity of the community (Ceresa 4).”

Section 4: Formal Political Institutions

Cuba has been a unitary republic since obtaining independence in 1902. Since 1959, Cuba’s government has been characterized as a single-party dictatorship. While it has been driven by a Marxist-Leninist ideology, it was subjected to the personal rule of Fidel Castro for much of its history. At the same time, Castro set up the Revolutionary Armed Forces, headed by his brother Raul Castro from 1959 to 2008, as the backbone of a militarized dictatorship.

The government is divided into two distinct yet overlapping spheres: the Cuban Communist Party (PCC) and the Government of the Republic of Cuba. The PCC was established on October 3, 1965 and traces its origins to the creation of the first Cuban Communist Party in 1925.

Cuba’s single-party system, with the PCC at its head, is constitutionally recognized as the “leading force of society and of the state,” and holds significant influence over national policy and governance (Republic of Cuba 1992). The party’s leading role was reaffirmed in Cuba’s Constitution of 2019, an amalgamation of the ideals of Cuban nationalism inspired by independence hero José Martí, the revolutionary project of Fidel Castro, and the theoretical framework of Marxism-Leninism.

As a single-party state, the Cuban government does not allow for the formation or operation of other political parties. As a result, viable candidates for public office are either members of the PCC or are closely aligned with its ideology. The very few independent candidates who have run for office have been defeated. In 2015, opposition candidates Hildebrando Chaviano and Yuniel López, dissident candidates in that year’s municipal council elections, handily lost the elections to PCC candidates (Weissenstein and García para. 3).

4.1: Communist Party of Cuba (PCC)

The PCC’s dominance extends to various mass organizations, such as the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, which play a crucial role in maintaining vigilance against ideological dissent and ensuring societal conformity, the Federation of Cuban Women, which mobilizes Cuban women within the confines of the PCC, and the Union of Young Communists, responsible for molding Cuba’s future leaders with the guiding principles of Marxism-Leninism.

The structure of the PCC resembles a pyramid, with the Central Committee, Political Bureau, and the Secretariat at the top. At the apex of the PCC’s hierarchy is the Central Committee, which is the highest governing body. The Central Committee includes two crucial sub-entities: the Political Bureau and the Secretariat. The Political Bureau is responsible for making major policy decisions and setting the strategic direction of the party. It is composed of the most senior leaders within the PCC, who are tasked with ensuring that the party’s ideology and objectives are upheld.

The Secretariat, on the other hand, manages the day-to-day operations of the party. This body ensures that the decisions made by the Political Bureau are implemented effectively. It oversees various departments and ensures that the party’s activities are coordinated across different regions and sectors.

Each province (15) has a provincial committee, and each municipality (168) has a municipal committee, all of which exert control and ensure that local governments meet their obligations. The Congress of the PCC, held every five years, is the most dominant political event in Cuba, setting national strategic guidelines and programs and selecting the country’s executive and legislative leadership.

Constitutionally, Cuba is classified as a Marxist-Leninist socialist republic with semi-presidential powers. The government structure includes the President, who is the head of state, and the Prime Minister, who heads the Council of Ministers. The National Assembly of People’s Power, a unicameral legislature, holds the highest authority in the state and is responsible for enacting laws and policies. The President, the Prime Minister, and Ministers serve simultaneously as members of the National Assembly.

4.2: Executive Branch

The government is characterized by its authoritarian nature, where political opposition is not permitted, and the PCC maintains strict control over all aspects of governance. The President, as head of the executive branch, wields significant power by also serving as Chairman of the PCC. While this dual responsibility is not explicit in the Constitution, Fidel Castro established the tradition of joint governmental and party executive leadership. The legislative branch primarily functions to ratify decisions made by the executive. The judiciary, while de jure independent, operates de facto under the overarching influence of the PCC.

4.3: Legislative Branch

The National Assembly is only in session twice per year, with the Council of State exercising legislative authority throughout the rest of the year. The 21 members of the Council of State are elected by the Assembly.

The 605-member National Assembly of People’s Power is the unicameral legislative body in Cuba and holds significant authority. Members of the National Assembly, known as deputies, are elected by the public in general elections. These elections are held every five years, and all Cuban citizens over the age of 16 are eligible to vote. The candidates for the National Assembly are nominated by local assemblies and mass organizations, ensuring that they represent a broad spectrum of Cuban society as defined by the PCC.

Once elected, the deputies of the National Assembly have the responsibility of selecting the President and other key officials. This body also enacts laws, approves the state budget, and oversees the work of the government. The National Assembly meets twice a year in regular sessions, but it can also convene in special sessions if necessary.

4.4: Judicial Branch

Since independence, Cuba’s judicial system has been based on the Roman, or civil, legal tradition. The judicial branch in Cuba is headed by the People’s Supreme Court (Tribunal Supremo Popular), which is the highest judicial authority in the country. The court system includes various specialized courts such as criminal, civil, administrative, labor, and military courts. The People’s Supreme Court is responsible for ensuring the uniform application of the law and serves as the final appellate court.

Judges in Cuba are selected by the National Assembly of People’s Power and are not subject to specific term limits. The judiciary includes both professional judges and lay judges, and PCC membership is key to the promotion of both. Professional judges are also required to pass an examination and meet specific criteria, including legal experience and citizenship. Lay judges, who serve alongside professional judges, are nominated by workplace collectives and neighborhood associations and serve five-year terms.

Despite the formal structure, the judiciary in Cuba lacks independence and is subordinate to the executive branch. The influence of the PCC extends into the judicial system, affecting the impartiality and fairness of legal proceedings. This subordination is evident in politically sensitive cases, where judicial decisions tend to align with the interests of the state.

Section 5: Political Economy

Cuba’s economy is characterized by its communist, state-run, and centralized structures.

In 2020, Cuba’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was estimated at $107.35 billion, with a GDP per capita of $9,499.6. In 2022, the GDP growth rate was 1.8% in 2022. The unemployment rate in Cuba is at 1.2% as of 2023. This low unemployment rate can be attributed to the state’s dominant role in the economy, providing employment in most sectors.

The Gross National Product (GNP) of Cuba was reported at $100.93 billion in 2019. GNP includes the value of all goods and services produced by the residents of a country, both domestically and abroad. This indicator provides a broader perspective on the economic activities of Cuban residents.

The Gini coefficient, which measures income inequality, was estimated to be over 0.40 in recent years. This indicates a relatively high level of income inequality within the country, despite its socialist economic structure. Addressing income inequality remains a significant challenge for Cuba’s government.

The average monthly income in Cuba varies significantly. In 2023, around 36% of the population had a monthly income lower than $104, while only 18% earned more than $417. The average salary is approximately 1,050 Cuban Pesos per month, equivalent to around $525. These figures highlight the economic disparities within the population.

Remittances to Cuba are estimated to represent about 25% of the country’s GDP (Morales para. 6). When including remittances in goods, this figure rises to approximately one-third of the GDP. This substantial contribution underscores the importance of remittances in supporting the Cuban economy. The inflow of funds from Cuban expatriates, particularly those residing in the United States, provides a vital source of income for many Cuban households. These funds help cover basic needs, improve living standards, and support private sector activities and small businesses.

5.1: Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)

Despite Cuba’s centralized economy, the country’s leaders have actively sought to promote foreign direct investment (FDI) from different countries, who usually establish joint ventures with Cuban state enterprises. Today, Cuba’s main investors are Spain, Canada, Venezuela, Italy and France (Standard Bank Group para. 1).

In 2009, Cuba and Brazil reached an agreement to establish the Mariel Special Development Zone to promote foreign trade and investment. Brazil’s Grupo Odebrecht built a new port there, located 45 kilometers west of Havana. In 2023, Cuba saw the creation of 52 foreign businesses, the highest number of foreign investments since the Law of Foreign Investment was passed in 2014 (Xinhua para. 6). These businesses were located at the Mariel Special Development Zone.

5.2: Economic Crisis

Cuba faces a severe economic downturn, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. sanctions, and internal inefficiencies. The collapse of tourism, inflation, blackouts, and shortages of food, medicine, and basic goods have significantly impacted daily life (Lima para. 5).

Cuba’s economic crisis is multifaceted, stemming from both internal influences and external pressures. Cuba’s state run political, economic, and social system has stunted its potential for growth, leading to food rationing, inflation, and mass migration.

The U.S. embargo, in place since the early 1960s, continues to be an external factor, restricting trade and investment. Additionally, the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s deprived Cuba of its primary economic supporter, leading to a period known as the “Special Period” that was marked by severe shortages and economic hardship. Yet aid and investment from the European Union and other allies has ensured that the Cuban government reaps the benefits of foreign trade and commerce.

In recent years, the situation has worsened due to several factors. The COVID-19 pandemic severely impacted Cuba’s tourism industry, a crucial source of foreign currency. With borders closed and travel restrictions in place, the flow of tourists dwindled, exacerbating the economic downturn.

The first administration of U.S. President Donald Trump administration tightened sanctions on Cuba, targeting its oil supply and remittances from Cubans abroad. These measures continued under President Joe Biden’s administration, further straining the economy. While Venezuela stepped in to Cuba’s economic aid following Hugo Chavez’s election in 1999, that lifeline has decreased in recent years.

Cuba’s centrally planned economy struggles with inefficiencies and corruption. State-owned enterprises dominate the market, often leading to mismanagement and lack of innovation. The dual currency system, with the Cuban peso (CUP) and the convertible peso (CUC), also created economic distortions. The elimination of this dual currency system in 2021 contributed to rising inflation and the further rationing of basic products (Associated Press para. 1).

Section 6: Foreign Relations

For many around the world, Cuba remains a symbol of revolutionary defiance to U.S. hegemony and imperialism.” Given that perception, Cuba has fostered relations around the world based on ideology and common animosity to the U.S.

Cuba’s foreign policy since 1959 has focused on countering U.S. influence, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean. Its active opposition to U.S. allies is clear today with its support of Russia in the invasion of Ukraine and with Palestine in the war against Israel (Aljazeera para. 1).

A significant driver of Cuban Foreign Relations is its opposition to the U.S. Cuba’s efforts to end the decades-long U.S. embargo has long played a central role in Cuba’s foreign policy, extending beyond its relations with the U.S. and involving countries in Latin America, Europe, and other parts of the world.

Ideology has served as a key determinant in Cuba’s foreign policy. The Cuban regime tends to establish much stronger relations with countries where like-minded leaders are in office. In Latin America, this was evident in the country’s relationship with Venezuela under Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro, Argentina under Néstor Kirchner, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, and Alberto Fernández, Ecuador under Rafael Correa, Brazil under Luiz Ignacio “Lula” da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, Honduras under Manuel Zelaya and Xiomara Castro, Nicaragua under Daniel Ortega, and Bolivia under Evo Morales and Luis Arce. These ideological alliances have allowed it to influence and play a role in regional international organizations.

6.1: International Organizations

As a founding member of the United Nations (UN), Cuba has participated as a member state since 1945. On three occasions, Cuba has been a member of the Security Council, which it has presided six times. At different times, Cuba has actively participated as a member of the UN’s Human Rights Council (formerly the Human Rights Commission).

6.2: Regional Intergovernmental Associations

Cuba is also a founding member of the Organization of American States (OAS). However, Cuba’s current government has been denied the right of representation and attendance at meetings and of participation in activities since 1962. The OAS cited that the Cuban regime was “incompatible with the principles and objectives of the inter-American system” (Organization of American States 611).

Cuba is also a member of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) as well as the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA), which it co-founded with Venezuela in 2004. Cuba’s involvement in these regional organizations seeks to challenge the U.S.’ role in the region while elevating its own standing in the region and in the world.

6.3: Regional and Multilateral Defense Alliances

Cuba has maintained its strategic and military alliance with Russia after the end of the Cold War. In December 2016, Cuba signed military cooperation agreements with Russia, through which the island nation would receive assistance in modernizing its armed forces (Defensa.com para. 1). In 2017, Cuba and China agreed to reinforce military cooperation among both countries.

In 2023, Cuba and Belarus signed a military cooperation agreement, through which Cuban soldiers were sent to train in Belarus to fight as Russian proxies in the country’s invasion of Ukraine (Diario de Cuba para. 1).

 

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